

(It is said that no one truly knows one country until one has been inside its jails.Klipspruit, el primer "township" de los que constituyen el actual Soweto fue fundado en 1904. Los townships se establecieron para albergar a los negros que trabajaban en las minas y otras industrias en Johannesburgo, fuera del centro de la ciudad. El centro de la ciudad estaba reservado para que lo ocuparan los blancos.
Fue en los años 50 cuando se hicieron las reubicaciones masivas de la población negra de los barrios céntricos y en 1963 fue cuando se adoptó el nombre de Soweto. Soweto creció muy rápido a partir de entonces, aunque de una forma desordenada. El gran flujo de inmigrantes del campo a la ciudad en busca de trabajo aceleró el crecimiento de estos guetos alrededor de Johannesburgo, la ciudad del oro. Paseando por las calles de Soweto en la actualidad es muy difícil imaginar lo que debió ser esto hace no más de 20 años. Está bien urbanizado, es pobre pero no es cochambroso y las casas se ven razonablemente cuidadas. Supongo que vi lo más presentable de Soweto y que el chófer no me llevó a los sitios más pobres y conflictivos, que seguro que los hay.
En Soweto, además del memorial a Hector Pietersen, está la casa de Mandela y la de Desmond Tutu. Comí en un restaurante en la zona donde se encuentran éstas una comida típica sudafricana. Tripa de vaca, cordero, arroz y verdura. La tripa de vaca sabía muy fuerte. Era como si uno se metía un establo en la boca. El estofado no había suavizado el tremendo sabor a vaca. El cordero, como diría un amigo mío, no era el cordero, sino su abuelo. El típico cordero viejo con sabor a lana. En definitiva, una comida tremendamente fuerte. El chófer se zampó un plato rebosante de todos estos comistrajos que yo apenas comí para satisfacer el apetito que tenía a esas horas.




Un compañero de trabajo me envía este vídeo. Tiene toda la razón este chico. Causa estupor ver los dinosaurios de parlamentarios. Recuerda a la famosa película Caballero sin espada de Frank Capra. Todavía hay románticos en la política española.



Everywhere I went in Spain, I seemed to be wasting 10 minutes here and 20 minutes there due entirely to understaffing. That may not sound like much, but add that up over the course of a week and I lost tons of time that I would rather have applied elsewhere, to writing my articles, or enjoying my time in Spain, or spending more money. The dearth of staff also lowered the quality of the services provided throughout the country, something I found surprising for an economy so dependent on tourism. People in Spain don't seem to mind the delays and bottlenecks. They consider them just an inevitable part of daily life. But there is an economic cost to all of this inefficiency. If I didn't have to wait to pay for my chicken sandwich at the airport, maybe I would have gone off to buy a magazine or something else. But no time for that.
It's not that there aren't enough available workers in Spain. With an unemployment rate at a staggering 20%, there's no shortage of people who hotels, restaurants and other companies could hire. But they don't. And that isn't just a factor of the current economic downturn. Unemployment in Spain is traditionally higher than in the U.S. Even during the so-called boom years of the mid-2000s, the unemployment rate never sank below 8%.
The reason is that employers don't want to create jobs. It's simply too costly. Blame the country's overly strict labor laws. Mandated severance payments – of as much as 45 days per year of service – make laying off employees prohibitively expensive, and that makes firms reluctant to hire them in the first place. Managers do have the option of taking on temporary staff on fixed-term contracts. If those workers get dismissed, they don't receive the same giant severance payments as permanent employees, allowing companies to downsize at reduced cost. But that choice has its own downside. With workers around for only a short time, they have little commitment to their jobs, and employers have even less reason to train them properly. That affects company performance and competitiveness.
The labor laws in Spain have created a distorted economy, where those workers in permanent positions almost have jobs-for-life, while the remainder can't find stable employment, or jobs period. That may be good for the protected workers, but nobody else. Not companies, not young people (who, as new entrants to the workforce, have the hardest time finding regular jobs), and not the overall economy. If Spain can't put people to work, it's going to have a rough time rebounding from the Great Recession and its own disastrous housing bust. The government has to make labor laws more flexible.


Moreover, powerful men like Mr Granados are oddly powerless when it comes to changing the status quo. Spanish public workers essentially cannot be sacked. Last week Madrid’s regional government announced it was scrapping 48 of its 125 official cars, and replacing the remaining Audi and Peugeot limousines with midsized models. “The paradox is, I can’t get rid of any of the official drivers,” sighs Mr Granados. He can try moving government drivers to new duties, but only with their consent (though he is laying off 23 drivers on temporary contracts).
The minister cannot move an official from social services to the health department, or from a day to a night shift. Absenteeism rates average 18%, but little can be done about abuses: public workers can take three days off sick without medical proof. If he wants to recruit a star surgeon, the minister cannot offer a bonus. All surgeons must be paid the same rates—indeed, doctors’ salaries are tied to pay rates for all staff, including hospital cleaners. The conservative-led regional government might like to privatise some state enterprises, including Madrid’s two public television channels. But under collective agreements, workers laid off by new private owners would have to be taken back on to the public payroll. An army of 3,242 trade union representatives polices these agreements, their salaries paid by the Madrid region.
Ese es el mensaje del artículo de The Economist. Sin embargo, El País, en su afán manipulador titula que Granados es el referente del despilfarro español. Con un par.